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Criminal Justice > Criminology Theories > Green Criminology > Agricultural Crime and Food Safety

Agricultural Crime and Food Safety




Agricultural crime and food safety encompass violations occurring throughout the food production system, from illegal pesticide use and unauthorized genetically modified crop cultivation to food fraud, adulteration, and violations of food safety statutes governing the processing and distribution of agricultural products. This domain occupies a distinctive position within green criminology because agricultural production sits at the intersection of environmental harm, corporate power, and direct threats to human health, meaning that violations in this sector can simultaneously implicate pollution, animal welfare, and consumer protection concerns within a single regulatory and criminological framework. The discussion that follows examines the regulatory framework governing agriculture and food safety, patterns of agricultural and food safety offending, the role of biotechnology and corporate power in food system crime, and the theoretical accounts explaining this offending’s persistence.

Introduction

Agricultural and food safety regulation in the United States operates through a fragmented framework divided primarily between the Department of Agriculture, responsible for meat, poultry, and egg product safety, and the Food and Drug Administration, responsible for most other food categories, a division that has generated persistent criticism regarding regulatory gaps and inconsistent standards across the two agencies’ respective jurisdictions. Pesticide regulation falls under a further separate framework administered by the Environmental Protection Agency under the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act, connecting agricultural regulation directly to the broader environmental regulatory architecture examined throughout this discussion.

Reece Walters’s influential analysis of crime and bio-agriculture argues that food system harms deserve sustained criminological attention comparable to that given other categories of corporate and environmental crime, since agricultural production decisions made primarily to maximize profit can generate substantial harm to consumers, farmworkers, and the environment simultaneously, harm that conventional food safety regulation addresses only partially (Walters, 2006). This framing has informed a growing body of green criminology scholarship examining agriculture as a site of criminologically significant harm rather than merely a conventionally regulated economic sector.




Regulatory Framework Governing Agriculture and Food Safety

Food safety regulation centers on preventing contamination and adulteration throughout the production, processing, and distribution chain, with criminal liability attaching primarily to knowing violations involving adulterated or misbranded food products introduced into interstate commerce. Hazel Croall’s analysis of food crime within the broader green criminology literature distinguishes several categories of food-related offending, including food fraud involving deliberate misrepresentation of product content or origin, and food safety violations involving contamination or adulteration that pose direct health risks to consumers (Croall, 2007). This categorical distinction has proven useful for subsequent scholarship examining how different types of food system harm require distinct regulatory and enforcement responses.

Pesticide regulation under the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act requires registration and labeling compliance for agricultural chemicals, with criminal liability attaching to unauthorized use, application in violation of label restrictions, or distribution of unregistered pesticide products. Ronald Burns, Michael Lynch, and Paul Stretesky’s treatment of environmental law and criminal justice notes that pesticide enforcement shares many of the same evidentiary challenges documented across other environmental crime categories, since establishing that a specific application violated label restrictions typically requires documentary evidence that agricultural operators themselves control (Burns, Lynch, & Stretesky, 2008).

Genetically modified organism regulation occupies a distinctive and still-evolving position within the broader agricultural regulatory framework, divided among multiple federal agencies depending on the specific modification and intended use, a fragmented structure that has generated ongoing scholarly debate regarding whether existing regulatory categories adequately address the novel risks biotechnology introduces into food and agricultural systems.

Organic certification standards, administered by the Department of Agriculture, add a further regulatory dimension specific to a subset of agricultural production, establishing production and labeling requirements that generate their own distinct category of potential fraud when producers misrepresent conventionally grown products as meeting organic certification standards to command the price premium organic labeling typically commands in retail markets.

Patterns of Agricultural and Food Safety Offending

Food fraud, involving deliberate misrepresentation of a product’s content, origin, or production method to increase its market value, has been documented across a wide range of commodity categories, from mislabeled seafood species substitution to falsified organic certification, reflecting the substantial price premiums that specific product claims can command in contemporary food markets. Hazel Croall’s research on food crime argues that this fraud category has historically received less regulatory and enforcement attention than direct food safety violations, despite generating substantial financial harm to consumers and legitimate producers who comply with the represented standards their fraudulent competitors falsely claim (Croall, 2007).

Pesticide-related violations documented in enforcement records span unauthorized application exceeding label-specified rates, application of restricted-use pesticides without required certification, and drift violations in which pesticide application affects adjacent properties or crops beyond the intended application area. Reece Walters’s analysis of bio-agriculture crime situates these violations within a broader account of how agricultural intensification, pursued to maximize yield and profit, generates systematic pressure toward pesticide overuse that periodically crosses into outright regulatory violation (Walters, 2006).

Labor-related violations, while distinct from the environmental and food safety violations that are the primary focus of this discussion, frequently co-occur with agricultural and food safety offending, since operations willing to violate pesticide application or food safety standards have in documented cases also been found willing to violate labor protections for agricultural workers, suggesting a broader organizational disposition toward regulatory noncompliance rather than violation limited to a single regulatory domain.

Biotechnology, Corporate Power, and Food System Crime

Genetically modified crop cultivation has generated a distinctive category of scholarly and regulatory attention within green criminology, centered on questions regarding corporate control over seed genetics, the environmental consequences of genetically modified crop cultivation, and disputes over adequate labeling and consumer information. Reece Walters’s later analysis of criminology and genetically modified food examines how intellectual property protections attached to genetically modified seed varieties have concentrated substantial market power among a small number of agricultural biotechnology firms, market power that critics argue has been used to restrict independent research into the technology’s environmental and health effects (Walters, 2004).

Corporate concentration within the broader food production and distribution system has generated additional criminological attention beyond biotechnology specifically, with scholars examining how vertical integration across production, processing, and distribution stages can facilitate both food safety violations, through reduced independent oversight at each production stage, and market power abuses affecting the prices received by independent agricultural producers. Vincenzo Ruggiero’s analysis of corporate crime and the economy situates this concentration within a broader political economy in which regulatory capacity has often failed to keep pace with the scale and complexity of increasingly consolidated agricultural and food processing corporations (Ruggiero, 2013).

Contract farming arrangements, under which nominally independent farmers operate under detailed production contracts with large processing or retail corporations, have raised additional concerns regarding how contractual power imbalances can pressure farmers toward practices that violate environmental or animal welfare standards in order to meet contractually specified production targets, even when the farmer bears primary formal legal liability for any resulting violation.

Theoretical Explanations for Agricultural Crime

Political economy frameworks explain agricultural and food system crime through the structural pressures created by corporate concentration and contract farming arrangements, which shift risk and liability toward individual producers while concentrating market power and profit among a smaller number of processing and distribution corporations. This framework connects agricultural crime to the broader corporate crime literature examined throughout this discussion, treating violations as a predictable consequence of the industry’s underlying economic structure rather than as isolated instances of individual producer misconduct.

Treadmill of production theory, associated with Paul Stretesky, Michael Long, and Michael Lynch, applies directly to agricultural intensification, since the pressure toward continuous yield growth that the theory identifies as structurally embedded within capitalist production manifests in agriculture as pesticide overuse, soil depletion, and the biotechnology adoption patterns examined throughout this discussion, each representing a different strategy for achieving production growth under sustained competitive pressure (Stretesky, Long, & Lynch, 2013).

Regulatory capture frameworks, documented across multiple corporate environmental crime categories examined elsewhere in this discussion, apply with particular force to agricultural regulation given the historically close relationship between agricultural regulatory agencies and the industry associations representing regulated producers, a relationship that critics argue has periodically weakened enforcement of both environmental and food safety standards relative to what the underlying statutory framework would formally require.

Conclusion

Agricultural crime and food safety together span a distinctive range of harm, from direct consumer health risks through food adulteration and contamination to environmental damage through pesticide misuse and the broader ecological consequences of agricultural intensification pursued under sustained competitive and corporate pressure. The regulatory framework governing this domain, fragmented across multiple federal agencies with differing statutory authority and enforcement capacity, has struggled to keep pace with both the scale of contemporary corporate concentration in food production and the novel regulatory questions biotechnology has introduced into agricultural governance.

Theoretical accounts ranging from political economy to treadmill of production theory and regulatory capture offer complementary explanations for why agricultural and food safety violations persist despite decades of regulatory development, each pointing toward the underlying corporate concentration and competitive pressure that continues to shape agricultural production decisions throughout the food system. Continued criminological attention to this domain remains essential given its direct implications for both environmental harm and human health.

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References and Further Reading

  1. Beirne, P., & South, N. (Eds.). (2007). Issues in green criminology: Confronting harms against environments, humanity and other animals. Willan Publishing.
  2. Burns, R. G., Lynch, M. J., & Stretesky, P. B. (2008). Environmental law, crime, and justice. LFB Scholarly Publishing.
  3. Clifford, M., & Edwards, T. D. (2012). Environmental crime (2nd ed.). Jones & Bartlett Learning.
  4. Clinard, M. B., & Yeager, P. C. (1980). Corporate crime. Free Press.
  5. Cohen, M. A. (1992). Environmental crime and punishment: Legal/economic theory and empirical evidence on enforcement of federal environmental statutes. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 82(4), 1054–1108.
  6. Croall, H. (2007). Food crime. In P. Beirne & N. South (Eds.), Issues in green criminology: Confronting harms against environments, humanity and other animals (pp. 206–229). Willan Publishing.
  7. Faber, D. (1998). The struggle for ecological democracy: Environmental justice movements in the United States. Guilford Press.
  8. Faure, M. G. (2017). The revolution in environmental criminal law in Europe. Virginia Environmental Law Journal, 35(3), 321–356.
  9. Frank, N., & Lynch, M. J. (1992). Corporate crime, corporate violence. Harrow and Heston.
  10. Lynch, M. J., Long, M. A., Stretesky, P. B., & Barrett, K. L. (2017). Green criminology: Crime, justice, and the environment. University of California Press.
  11. Pearce, F., & Tombs, S. (1998). Toxic capitalism: Corporate crime and the chemical industry. Ashgate.
  12. Ruggiero, V. (2013). The crimes of the economy: A criminological analysis of economic thought. Routledge.
  13. Ruggiero, V., & South, N. (2013). Green criminology and crimes of the economy: Theory, research and praxis. Critical Criminology, 21(3), 359–373.
  14. Situ, Y., & Emmons, D. (2000). Environmental crime: The criminal justice system’s role in protecting the environment. Sage Publications.
  15. Snider, L. (2000). The sociology of corporate crime: An obituary (or: whose knowledge claims have legs?). Theoretical Criminology, 4(2), 169–206.
  16. South, N. (1998). A green field for criminology? A proposal for a perspective. Theoretical Criminology, 2(2), 211–233.
  17. Stretesky, P. B., Long, M. A., & Lynch, M. J. (2013). The treadmill of crime: Political economy and green criminology. Routledge.
  18. Walters, R. (2004). Criminology and genetically modified food. British Journal of Criminology, 44(2), 151–167.
  19. Walters, R. (2006). Crime, bio-agriculture and the exploitation of hunger. British Journal of Criminology, 46(1), 26–45.
  20. White, R. (2013). Environmental harm: An eco-justice perspective. Policy Press.




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